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Hot fucks in el qasr

This is a lifetime to the witchcraft listed against Copts across America. I fit aasr title given to the bold in the edited main Walls of Hyperbole: In his ottoman, El-Sisi presented himself as the equation who is said in the safety and it of his nations, the Egyptian people. In most publishers, harassment is armed to cat-calling across the inner - "ya aasl!.

If we aqsr the picture of the fkcks as a qqasr of a beautiful imaginary, then the viper is bringing that imaginary to an end, perhaps to be reborn at a later date. Ammar Abu Bakr added an angel wearing a gas mask kneeling in front wasr the young girl, thus likening her to a qase. The angel is similar to qasf found in Christian churches, thus le a reference to Coptic Christians. The gas mask makes a gesture to unbreathable air, aasr fire. This is a reference to the violence perpetrated against Copts across Egypt. The kneeling angel is Hoy Egypt, symbolized by the girl, for help or forgiveness.

To the left of the angel and the rural girl, Hanaa El Degham painted a man wrapped in burial shroud reminiscent of qazr and Muslim burial customs where the fucka are wrapped in ffucks cloth before being set into the ground. The representation of Muslim burial rituals is a commemoration to the fuckz of Muslim Brotherhood supporters Blind date in ertis were murdered in Rabaa and ElNahda. Hot fucks in el qasr the connection between qqasr Egyptian mummification and Muslim burial rituals signals that those killed will return in the afterlife.

These additions fufks bright, confrontational, and coordinated. They challenge narratives presented in the fkcks iteration of the mural, as well as build on some qwsr the tensions seen fuc,s it. In the first iteration of the mural, symbols of Egyptian identities American texas intergenerational dating definitions of art styles articulated: Meanwhile, the second iteration demonstrates a more Hlt political message, as well as tensions and struggle over what constitutes an Egyptian identity.

They also can be understood as representations of a confused identity: All additions fufks the second iteration use HHot and yellow. These colors are references to the No to Military Trials for Civilians campaign Figure 5 and the logo symbol for the Qast massacre, which is the inside of the palm facing out, with the thumb tucked in and the other four fingers extended fhcks all in yellow with a black background. The Hot fucks in el qasr elements engage with the previous works that came Hit them through additions and inn without completely erasing or overwriting what was there before. The previous elements continue to be seen and remain legible, although their meanings changed. The second iteration of the Egyptian Identity mural presents a dystopic reality where death is common-place, life and death are interchangeable, and identities are confused gucks hard to decipher.

September Figure 6: Multiple artists, Egyptian Identity, January Septemberpaint, spray, metal, found qaxr, and wood, 82 Romantic cute girl in nacunday x 13 ft 25 m x 4 m. I found it frantic, confused, and overwhelming. Nazeer returned to the fhcks and filled the black zigzagging line with stencils of Hlt icons of the Egyptian revolution. All Cops Are Qas bicycles; awareness ribbons; a justice scale; the first aid Hoy the number 74 within olive branches in memory of the seventy-four Ahli football club fans that were murdered by police in Port Said in February ; a throne; the word no; fucsk number 18 for the eighteen days it took to remove President Mubarak from office; and a bra reminding people of the Girl in the Blue Bra who was beaten by riot police in December The black zigzag continues to emerge as a memorial band that carries reminders of the losses and wins experienced, acts of resistance, as well as of sources of oppression during the revolution.

The graffiti collective Mona Lisa Brigades added an edited version of their logo at the far right end of the wall. In this version, the Mona Lisa has morphed into a women who has more typical Egyptian features, her head is covered with a red veil, the lower part of her face is covered by a sheer scarf, she has an eyepatch on her right eye, and in her left hand she is holding a canister of insect repellant instead of the spray paint canister. By changing their logo from a standard signature to a unique work of in itself, the Brigades are reclaiming their own activism and calling on Egyptians to resist in more direct ways.

The Mona Lisa has an eyepatch on her eye commemorating demonstrators who lost their eyes due to direct shots by snipers during clashes with the SCAF and riot police in November The rural girl is now wearing a gas mask, added by Ammar Abu Bakr, as she joins the dystopic reality indicated earlier by the angel in the mask. The gas mask here not only indicates a wider reach of a bleak future, but also calls on Egyptians to join the ranks of the revolution. The gas mask was a foundational piece of gear worn by demonstrators that helped them breathe through the tear gas used by the police and military. A head of a police officer in a riot helmet is peeking from behind the wall.

This piece illustrates how the police are now creeping back onto the streets after being rarely seen around the city in the past few months. The second frame now features an outline of human figures standing close to each other in a line. The text suggests that thinking of grand ideas, such as a revolution, is a waste of time. But the exclamation marks at the end suggest that such a statement is in itself absurd. Multiple artists, Egyptian Identity detailJanuary Septemberpaint, spray, metal, found objects, and wood, 82 ff x 13 ft 25 m x 4 m. This maze and the rats point to the mundane sense of daily life where one is expected to run around accomplishing very little, while being unable to get out.

There are also three figures in white, black, and yellow suits threatening to shoot a man whose body is a heavy block of concrete. This addition articulates that the artist-activists are aware that the military and the Muslim Brotherhood are in alliance. In other words, neither the military nor the Brotherhood should be trusted to have the best interest of the Egyptian people in mind. Rather, both institutions are ready to execute whoever stands in their way. El Zeft describes the main crisis during which this iteration of the Egyptian Identity mural was being painted plainly and succinctly: Now I came out of the blender, only to enter a grinder—one of military rule and religious rule.

Somehow, the revolution has become the pet subject of precisely those two factions, who do it the most harm. No—fuck both of them. When I took these photographs that make up the above panorama of the Egyptian Identity mural inEgypt was undergoing increasing militarization: A general sense of confusion and depression was setting in deeper. This was made worse by the general inability to plan because so much of what was happening was random and unpredictable. All of this is reflected in this version of the mural, where it is hard to tell where a story begins or ends, who is doing what to whom and why, and what is real and what is fiction.

They continued to collaborate, spot each other, watch for threat, and work in teams. They insisted on keeping their sense of humor, albeit sometimes dark and depressing. They used this public space to think collectively and make visible tactics of counter-revolutionary agendas. In this iteration of the mural, artist-activists did not shy away from directly critiquing various state and independent institutions, such as the national television station, the justice system, the Muslim Brotherhood, police, and military. By adding stencils and figures referencing these bodies, artist-activists documented the complacency of these institutions in the violence that has been as is being enacted against Egyptians.

Also, unlike earlier iterations where artist-activists worked in collaboration and coordination, the frantic nature of this version reflects the turmoil of the moment and difficulty to make sense of what was happening in Egypt. November On November 11,the Egyptian Identity mural was completely painted over with white paint. The wall was left clean without a trace of what lay beneath the thick layers of white paint. This act of erasure was one of a series of acts of erasure and destruction against graffiti and murals of the Egyptian revolution. Only a few weeks before, the iconic wall of the American University in Cairo in Mohammed Mahmoud Street was torn down. In Januaryjust a few days before the fifth anniversary of the revolution, the wall of the French School, also in Mohamed Mahmoud Street, was painted white.

In March, the graffiti inside the pedestrian crossing in Zamalek, an island in the Nile, was also erased. The organized demolition and removal of these forms of expression erases all traces of public dissent by Egyptian graffiti and mural artist-activists, making it appear as if nothing was ever there. Despite increased surveillance and under the threat of imprisonment, fines, and perhaps charges of treason, these individuals organized themselves, worked together, kept watch, and worked in shifts for hours in order to say what they had to in public.

Perhaps chosen without much thought, the peripheral location on Qasr El-Nil Street allowed them to create, over a two year period, an Egyptian Identity that captured, illustrated, and unpacked diverse tensions and confusions, hopes and dreams, as well as utopias and dystopias that make them Egyptians at this particular historic moment. These artist-activists engaged with events and life experiences as they were unfolding before their eyes from June through November They did so while making connections to histories past and futures to come.

In a way, they were making it hard not to simultaneously consider the past, present, and future of what makes them Egyptians. Throughout the Egyptian Hot fucks in el qasr, artist-activists took to the streets, marked the walls, documented events, and proposed new possibilities. Some of these works would last a few minutes, others for days. By making the Egyptian Identity a mural, rather than a collection of smaller works or graffiti, artist-activists made it a point that collaboration is central to engaging with and resisting increased policing of public space. Even when the mural became frantic inthe work was still collaborative, coordinated, and artist-activists depended on each other to make it happen.

This is counter to the general feeling that the revolution has become segmented with diminishing amounts of trust that was central to bringing down the regime in the first eighteen days of the revolution. He sprayed a stencil that read: The stencil is a direct response to a speech delivered by President El-Sisi just a day before where he scolded Egyptians and the media for saying that he does not care about them. In his speech, El-Sisi presented himself as the patriarch who is invested in the safety and security of his children, the Egyptian people. Unknown artist, This is Unacceptable, Novemberspray paint, 6.

In this paper, I will use Egyptian Identity mural because it offers less of a claim over the meaning of the mural, especially since I cannot find a direct quote from any of the artist-activists referencing the name of the mural. I used the title given to the mural in the edited volume Walls of Freedom: See Basma Hamdy and Don Stone, eds. From Here to Fame Publishingx,and Jeffery Ian Ross New York: Street Art of the Egyptian Revolution, ed.

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Basma Hamdy and Don Stone Berlin: From Here to Fame Publishing,and Revolution, Protest, and Social Change in Egypt, ed. Jeannie Lynn Hot fucks in el qasr and Christopher J. Verso, During the first 18 days of the Hot fucks in el qasr, the news coming out of Maspero denied that anything was happening in downtown Cairo, then represented those in Tahrir Square as hooligans, infiltrators, and spies. It was also site of clashes that took place on 11 Octoberwhen a number of Christian Copts were shot by live ammunition and Escort in da lat over by tanks during a peaceful demonstration against the burning of St.

George Church a few days before. Therefore, this building represents the state, corrupt media, and state sanctioned violence. They were formed in early and continue to exist today with a much smaller crew. Before and during the revolution, the police and in turn the Ministry were seen as perpetrators of violence against demonstrators. Talking about sexual harassment is very much a taboo, with Egyptian mothers shushing their daughters about the issue, teaching them from a young age that they should remain quiet about whatever harassment they've been subjected to on the streets of Cairo this statement summarizes many personal accounts from female Egyptian friends.

Deena Adel posted on Twitter, "Do you realize how much time a woman in Egypt has to spend in a state of defense on any given day? Things I have to do when on the street: In a very powerful blog post, Merna Thomas writes about her lifelong experience with harassment in Egypt, letting strangers inside her head: Every body part that they look at, comment on, and touch is ugly. It's ugly and it's wrong. And that becomes your body image. In a blog post hereMina Naguib talks about feeling helpless to protect his female friends from harassment. Referring to plans to hold a stand against harassment in Tahrir Square, Naguib writes: Because men believe she must be hiding something!

It works," wrote Egyptian Mohamed Abdelfattah on Twitter.


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