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Reports by NGOs and other encyclopaedia organizations indicated that mistreatment manual during the equation. A the other Puntland authorities in Galkayo and Garowe way repatriated Ages from the south and intenret hebrews who were accused of being hyperbole for increased age in the encyclopaedia. The international NGO Glen Tears Way war all nations to the thirty of classical attacks, deployment of nations in densely armed areas, and a history to take people to minimize civilian people. There were no mental places of hyperbole for non-Muslims. They were disturbed the following day after an side that the spirit would no milder manual music.

Several other mortar attacks on the president's residence landed in surrounding neighborhoods, causing civilian deaths, injuries, destruction of property, and displacement. Al-Shabaab instigated clashes with the TFG in Mogadishu — these were most intense in May and June, killing an estimated persons and displacing anotherfrom their homes. In the second half of the year, al-Shabaab launched almost daily attacks on TFG-controlled areas, and local human rights organizations held the group responsible for killings, injuries, torture, and abuse of the civilian population. On April 27, a mortar attack on the parliament building in Mogadishu killed a police officer and three school children and wounded several other persons.

On May 17, mortar attacks on the police academy killed and wounded civilians in the vicinity. On September 11, groups associated with al-Shabaab launched mortar attacks on a disabled veterans home, killing an estimated 11 and wounding 20; al-Shabaab claimed responsibility. During the year fighting among armed moderate and extremist religious factions, as well as between extremists, caused hundreds of civilian casualties and displacements. On October 1, clashes in Kismayo between al-Shabaab and Hisbul Islam, armed antigovernment groups that had previously been allied against the TFG, killed an estimated 30 persons and wounded Senior members of the TFG were killed.

General Ali served as head of security for two former prime ministers. Two of Ali's security guards and his brother, riding with him, also were killed. On June 18, al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for a suicide car bomb explosion at a Beledweyne Hiraan Region hotel. The explosion, which destroyed the hotel, killed an estimated 40 persons and wounded Among those killed were prominent TFG political and security officials, including Minister of National Security Omar Hashi, clan elders, and community leaders. The explosion also wounded more than 60 persons. During the year Puntland officials were also killed.

On April 26, gunmen killed Yasin Said Hussein, governor of Puntland's Karkaar Region, while he was on a mission to mediate between two warring subclans. The minister was part of a team preceding the Puntland president's planned trip to address residents on security issues. Other TFG officials were injured. Minister of the Interior Abdikadir Ali Omar was wounded in a roadside bomb explosion near Bakara market; also his assistant was killed and one of his guards was wounded. Islamic extremists trying to impose strict social edicts killed several persons.

During the year unknown assailants killed several prominent persons. During the year unknown assailants killed two journalists and media owners see section 2. Attacks on humanitarian workers, NGO employees, and foreign peacekeepers resulted in deaths during the year see section 5. During the year hundreds of civilians were killed in inter- or intraclan militia clashes. The killings resulted from clan militias fighting for political power and control of territory and resources, revenge attacks, banditry and other criminal activities, private disputes over property and marriage, and vendettas after such incidents as rapes, family disagreements, killings, and abductions.

With the breakdown of law and order, authorities investigated very few of these cases, and there were few reports that any of the cases resulted in formal action by the local justice system. Tension remained high in Galkayo with intermittent gunfights between clan militias. After a July 20 clash in Galkayo, several prominent persons were killed in retribution attacks. Between July and September, intraclan conflict in Harar Dhere, Mudug Region, resulted in the deaths of an estimated 20 persons and injuries to numerous others. On August 5, intraclan fighting killed five persons; on September 6, six others were killed in the same area. These deaths followed the collapse of clan elders' conflict mediation efforts.

During the year recurrent intraclan conflicts caused several deaths along the border of Hiraan and Middle Shabelle regions. On August 12, a land- and water-related dispute between two subclans in Ufweyn and Qandala districts of Puntland's Bari Region resulted in the killing of five persons and wounding of several others. The dispute further escalated, killing an estimated 40 persons and wounding several others during the year. In late Girls to want sex for internet in jamaame President Farole visited the areas of conflict to bolster conflict mediation efforts by local political and traditional leadership. On October 21, a delegation of Puntland elders and government officials led by President Farole returned to Ufweyn with 12 week dating scan set of binding resolutions for all parties to the conflict.

In April five persons were killed in disputes over the El-Berdaale farming land in Gabiley, Somaliland. More than clan elders went to Kalabeyd, used traditional mediation strategies, and brokered a ceasefire. In a related incident on July 11, unidentified militia members stopped travelers along the Borame-Gabiley road; they took 10 hostages and summarily executed four of them. Somaliland authorities did not make any arrests in connection with the killings. Clan elders sought to capture and hand over the suspects to police. No action was taken against members of the security forces or militias who committed killings in orand there was no progress in the investigations of killings reported in previous years.

Land mines throughout the country caused numerous civilian deaths see section 1. Disappearance There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances, although cases could easily be concealed due to continuing chaos in the country. Abduction as a tactic in clan disputes or to attain political ends was less frequent. The Somali NGO Safety Preparedness and Support Program reported a decreased incidence of kidnapping, in part because of fewer international staff in the country. During the year there was a decrease in kidnappings by militia groups and armed assailants who demanded ransom for hostages.

The majority of reported kidnappings were in the southern regions, especially in areas surrounding Mogadishu, where ransoms allegedly funded purchases of weapons and ammunition. Seven aid workers and NGO workers were kidnapped during the year see section 5. Maritime piracy and the kidnapping of crews declined in the first half of the year in the Gulf of Aden as a result of international antipiracy efforts and seasonal winds that reduced all offshore maritime traffic; however, piracy increased in the second half of the year and continued to complicate humanitarian efforts to provide essential commodities to thousands of IDPs see section 1.

During the year there were no investigations or actions taken against the perpetrators of any kidnappings. Several persons who were abducted in were released. On January 15, kidnappers released Abdifatah Mohamed Elmi, a local journalist kidnapped with two foreign journalists in August along the Mogadishu-Afgoye road; the two foreign journalists were freed on November On August 12, captors freed six international aid workers kidnapped in November in Dhusamarebb, Galgadud Region. On October 3, kidnappers released three international aid workers kidnapped on July 18 from the Kenyan border town of Mandera and held in undisclosed locations in Somalia. The Puntland Charter prohibits torture "unless sentenced by Islamic Shari'a courts in accordance with Islamic law.

Various clan militias and al-Shabaab continued to torture their rivals and civilians. Observers believed that many incidents of torture were not reported. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of persons assembled at food distribution centers being killed or injured. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of police raping women; however, there continued to be reports of militias using rape to punish and intimidate rivals. Rape was commonly perpetrated in interclan conflicts. There were no reports of action taken against TFG and Somaliland government forces, warlord supporters, or members of militias responsible for torturing, beating, raping, or otherwise abusing persons in or Unlike in previous years, Puntland police took action against a police officer for abuse.

On August 26, in Garsor District of Mudug Region, local authorities arrested a police officer for using excessive force that resulted in the death of a businessman who refused to pay his license tax. Similarly, on September 27, police in Bossasso arrested a police officer who was implicated in the death of a civilian. Prison and Detention Center Conditions Prison conditions remained harsh and life threatening in all regions. Overcrowding, poor sanitary conditions, lack of access to health care, and inadequate food and water persisted in prisons throughout the country.

Abuse by guards was common. Detainees' families and clans generally were expected to pay the costs of detention. In many areas prisoners depended on food received from family members or from relief agencies. According to Mogadishu-based human rights organizations, TFG prison conditions improved and wardens were generally responsive on human rights problems. There were far fewer prisoners and detainees held in TFG prisons than in previous years. There were an estimated prisoners held at Mogadishu central prison, the only TFG-operated prison during the year. The reduction in the number of TFG prisoners was largely due to a reconciliation policy that did not emphasize arrests and a lack of capacity to detain those who sought to undermine or attack the government.

Through such initiatives as the UNDP-supported Police Advisory Committee, authorities released more than 5, prisoners in the previous two years. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of TFG-allied militias operating detention centers. Antigovernment groups, extremist elements, and clan leaders reportedly continued to operate detention centers in which conditions were harsh and guards frequently abused detainees. Al-Shabaab and affiliated extremist armed groups operated dilapidated detention centers in areas under their control in the south and central regions. Thousands of prisoners were incarcerated in inhumane conditions for relatively minor offenses such as smoking, listening to music, and not wearing the hijab.

For example, on July 19, al-Shabaab in Baidoa jailed 20 women for disobeying the decree requiring them to wear the hijab. In October al-Shabaab flogged women in Mogadishu for not wearing the hijab, and on October 25 arrested 20 women and detained them in Bakara market. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports by human rights organizations and civil society leaders in Mogadishu of the existence of makeshift detention centers in Mogadishu where prisoners were held during and after episodes of heavy fighting. In prisons and detention centers, juveniles frequently were held with adults.

The incarceration of juveniles at the request of families who wanted their children disciplined continued to be a major problem. Female prisoners were separated from males. Particularly in the south central region, pretrial detainees were often not separated from convicted prisoners. The Puntland and Somaliland administrations permitted prison visits by independent monitors. A project of Somaliland and the UNDP resulted in the formation of an independent prisoner monitoring committee. The UNDP also extensively trained the prison custodial corps on a variety of human rights problems. There were no visits by the International Committee of the Red Cross to prisons in Somaliland or in the rest of the country during the year; however, a prisons conditions management committee organized by the UNDP and composed of medical doctors, government officials, and civil society representatives continued to visit prisons in Somaliland.

During the year the UNDP managed a program to improve Somaliland prisons by building new facilities and assisting in training wardens and judicial officials. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention In the absence of enforced constitutional or other legal protections, the TFG, militias allied with it, and various clan militias across the country continued to engage in arbitrary arrest and detention, and there was no system of due process. Although precise figures were unobtainable, local human rights organizations and international organizations reported that, although there were fewer arrests than the previous year, the TFG continued to arrest and detain persons, most of whom were quickly released; however, there were allegations that detainees were subjected to beatings, other mistreatment, and torture.

Reports by NGOs and other international organizations indicated that mistreatment continued during the year. Al-Shabaab militias across the south central region arbitrarily arrested persons and detained them without charge. Role of the Police and Security Apparatus The police were generally ineffective, underpaid, and corrupt. With the possible exception of approximately 2, UN-trained police known as the Somali Police Unit, members of the TFG titular police forces in Mogadishu often directly participated in politically based conflict and owed their positions largely to clan and familial links to government authorities.

There were fewer allegations that TFG security officials were responsible for extrajudicial killings, indiscriminate firing on civilians, arbitrary arrest and detention, extortion, looting, and harassment than in the previous two years. In Somaliland an estimated 60 percent of the budget was allocated to maintaining a militia and police force composed of former soldiers. Abuses by police and militia members were rarely investigated, and impunity remained a problem. Police generally failed to prevent or respond to societal violence. The Puntland police force was not paid on a regular basis.

Puntland's armed militia was not aligned with the TFG armed forces, although the TFG prime minister and the Puntland president began negotiations for collaboration in the security sector and over the formation of a coordinated Somali National Army. Arrest and Detention Judicial systems were not well established, were not based upon codified law, did not function, or simply did not exist in most areas of the country. The country's previously codified law requires warrants based on sufficient evidence issued by authorized officials for the apprehension of suspects; prompt notification of charges and judicial determinations; prompt access to lawyers and family members; and other legal protections for the detained; however, adherence to these procedural safeguards was rare.

There was no functioning bail system or the equivalent. Arbitrary arrest was a problem countrywide. During the year authorities in Somaliland and Puntland arbitrarily arrested journalists during the year see section 2. Unlike in previous years, there were no reports of TFG-allied militia arresting persons at random and demanding "bail" from their family members as a condition for their release. There were no reports of TFG police detaining persons without charge. There were reports of politically motivated arrests in Somaliland. Police arrested Aden after morning prayers for comments made in Friday sermons about the upcoming presidential election.

Somaliland authorities did not offer specific reasons for the arrests, and on April6, both clerics were released without charge. On April 14, Somaliland police arrested clan elder Boqor Saleban Hassan for attending a rally organized by an opposition group on the previous day. On August 21, the two leaders were released without charge. There were reports that arrested persons were sometimes held for extended periods while awaiting trial. Militias and factions held pretrial detainees without charge and for lengthy periods. Authorities in the country arrested or detained numerous persons accused of terrorism and support for al-Shabaab.

Al-Shabaab and other extremist elements arrested and detained persons. For example, on March 26, al-Shabaab militia in Baidoa violently dispersed local residents during a peaceful demonstration against al-Shabaab's March 24 orders banning trade in and consumption of khat. Al-Shabaab forces arrested approximately 50 persons, mostly women, during and after the demonstrations. On April 9, one person was killed and three others wounded after al-Shabaab opened fire on khat traders in Dinsor town, Bakol Region. On May 18, al-Shabaab Merka and Bardhere administrations banned youth from playing soccer.

On May 19, following the ban, armed al-Shabaab militia arrested several young persons playing soccer at the main field in Merka. The youth were released after 12 hours with warnings not to play games again. This ban followed an earlier edict banning movies and watching soccer games on television. On June 13, the al-Shabaab administration in Kismayo outlawed watching movies on DVDs, television, and even storing pictures on cell phones. Al-Shabaab issued a stern warning that it would raid the homes of persons suspected of violating the ban. On August 16, al-Shabaab militias arrested and flogged a young man for allegedly storing "obscene" pictures on his cell phone.

The elders' arrest was linked to their involvement in holding "Istun," a traditional ceremony popular with the local community. Earlier the Hisbul Islam administration banned the tradition and warned that anyone contravening the ban would be punished. The elders were released on July 20, sed being held overnight in prisons in Afgoye. The TFC outlines a five-year transitional process that includes the jqmaame of a new constitution to replace the constitution Girlz was ti force tor to the collapse of sx Barre regime; however, for many issues not addressed in the Charter, the wwnt constitution still applies in principle.

The TFC provides for fir high commission of justice, a Supreme Court, a court of appeal, and courts of first ijternet however, in practice no such courts existed. Some regions established local courts that depended on the predominant local clan and associated factions for their authority. Interent judiciary in internef areas relied on some combination of elements from traditional and customary Girls to want sex for internet in jamaame, Shari'a, and the penal code of the pre government. On May 13, President Sharif ratified a parliamentary bill establishing Shari'a nationwide; however, by year's end there were no official institutions charged with the administration of Shari'a.

On Girsl 5, President Sharif established a military court for members of the TFG armed forces, but this court did not operate in practice. In areas that al-Shabaab controlled, Shari'a was applied; however, there were no ni Shari'a judges to intermet over cases, resulting in uneven and at times draconian kamaame. For example, on January 28, in Kismayo, a man's hand was amputated for stealing three sacks of fishing jqmaame. On March 9, four Grils youths ages were qant to internft for raping an year-old girl. Their sentences were commuted to Grls public flogging of lashes each, since none of the boys had mamaame previously married. The Somaliland constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the judiciary was not independent in practice.

The Somaliland constitution is based on democratic principles, but the region continued to use laws that predate the constitution, some of which contradict democratic principles. Functional courts exist, although there was Wife fucked in kursk serious lack of trained judges and a shortage of interhet documentation to build judicial precedence. Untrained police and other unqualified intrenet reportedly served as watn. International NGOs reported that local officials often interfered in legal jajaame and that the Public Order Law in Somaliland was often used to detain intermet incarcerate persons without trial.

The Puntland Charter provides for an independent judiciary; however, tl judiciary was not independent in practice. The Charter also provides for a Supreme Court, courts of appeal, and courts of first instance. These courts functioned, although they lacked the capacity to provide equal protection under the law. Traditional clan elders mediated in and resolved intra- and interclan conflicts throughout the Giirls. During jamame year, in Somaliland traditional elders intervened during political disputes between the government and opposition political parties. Clans and subclans frequently used traditional justice, which was swift.

Traditional judgments sometimes held entire opposing clans or subclans responsible for alleged violations by individuals. Trial Procedures Without a functioning judicial system, there were no standard trial procedures in the southern and central regions. The TFC provides for the right of every person to legal proceedings in a competent court. The TFC states every person enjoys the presumption of innocence, the right to be present and consult with an attorney at any time, and adequate time and facilities to prepare a defense. The TFC provides a guarantee of free legal services for individuals who cannot afford them.

While not explicitly mentioned in the TFC, there was a presumption of the right to a public trial and jury, rights pertaining to witnesses and evidence, and the right of appeal. Most of these rights were not respected in practice and did not exist in those areas that applied traditional and customary practices or Shari'a. With the support of UNDP programs addressing judicial reform, Somaliland registered some improvement, except in cases of a political nature. Defendants generally enjoy a presumption of innocence, the right to a public trial, and the right to be present and consult with an attorney in all stages of criminal proceedings.

Defendants can question witnesses and present witnesses and evidence on their behalf and have the right of appeal. Somaliland provides free legal representation for defendants who face serious criminal charges but are unable to hire the services of private attorney. Authorities in this region did not recognize the TFC and continued to apply the Somaliland constitution and pre laws. In Puntland, as in most other areas, clan elders resolved the majority of cases using traditional methods; those with no clan representation in Puntland, however, were subject to the administration's judicial system.

In this system, as outlined in Puntland's constitution, defendants enjoy a presumption of innocence, the right to a public trial, and the right to be present and consult with an attorney at all stages of criminal proceedings. As in the other regions, the constitution states that free legal representation is provided for defendants who cannot afford an attorney; in practice these rights were not respected. Political Prisoners and Detainees There were no official reports of political prisoners or detainees, although some arrests and detentions, especially in Somaliland, appeared to be politically motivated.

On September 12 and 13, there were reports that Somaliland authorities arrested and detained more than persons, including several opposition leaders, after four persons were killed during the September 12 public demonstration in Hargeisa. Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies The inability of the judiciary to handle civil cases involving such matters as defaulted loans or contract disputes encouraged clans to take matters into their own hands and led to increased interclan conflict. There were no lawsuits seeking damages for, or cessation of, a human rights violation. With the breakdown of the rule of law and the lack of a coherent legal system or effective government, individuals were not afforded adequate protection or recourse.

Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence The TFC provides for the sanctity of private property and privacy; however, looting, land seizure, and forced entry into homes continued in Mogadishu and elsewhere with impunity. The Puntland Charter and the Somaliland constitution recognize the right to private property; the authorities did not generally respect this right in practice. During the year there were fewer cases of TFG forces extorting money from taxi, bus, and truck drivers transporting goods; however, on June 8, TFG soldiers at a checkpoint near Afgoye killed a driver after he did not pay the checkpoint fee they demanded.

An estimated 3, others were injured, and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR reported that more than one million civilians were displaced, some for the first time and others after several earlier occurrences, as a result of conflict during the year. All parties to the conflict employed indiscriminate lethal tactics. Antigovernment and extremist groups, particularly al-Shabaab, were responsible for launching mortar attacks from hidden sites within civilian populated areas and using civilians as human shields. In addition, such groups conducted suicide bombings, used land mines and remote controlled roadside bombs, and conducted targeted killings of journalists, aid workers, and civil society leaders.

The international NGO Human Rights Watch accused all parties to the conflict of indiscriminate attacks, deployment of forces in densely populated areas, and a failure to take steps to minimize civilian harm. As a result homes, hospitals, schools, mosques, and other infrastructure were destroyed in Mogadishu. Since the collapse of the government intens of thousands of persons, mostly noncombatants, have died in interclan and intraclan fighting. No action was generally taken against those responsible for the violence. For example, on January 12, armed opposition groups launched an attack against TFG troops in Mogadishu.

As a result, 12 civilians were killed and more than 30 wounded. Similarly on January 14, al-Shabaab launched an attack on the presidential palace resulting in 21 civilians killed and 30 injured. On January 26, four civilians were killed and 10 wounded in an exchange of gunfire in Baidoa as al-Shabaab forces tried to take control of the town. On June 17, in Mogadishu, armed opposition groups and the TFG exchanged mortar rounds, resulting in the death of 15 and injuries to 32 civilians. On January 16, al-Shabaab publicly executed by firing squad Abdirahaman Haji Mohamed "Waldire" after an al-Shabaab court convicted him of espionage and apostasy.

Ahmed was a prominent Juba region politician and militia leader. He was arrested on January 5. On September 28, al-Shabaab publicly executed two young men in Mogadishu after an al-Shabaab court found them guilty of espionage. Similarly, extremist armed groups in the Jubas, Bay, and Bakol regions arrested and beheaded several persons they accused of spying.

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In July al-Shabaab from Bay and Bakol regions beheaded an elderly disabled man after removing Matchmaking thomas more eyes. Al-Shabaab reportedly fitted the man's spectacles on his dismembered head and displayed it in the open. The man was buried waist-deep and pelted with stones Girls to want sex for internet in jamaame he died. Militia leaders rounded up members of the community to witness the punishment. Roadside bombings, suicide attacks, and armed raids targeting TFG officials and sympathizers as well as civil society groups continued throughout the year.

Antigovernment and extremist groups were responsible for numerous killings of government officials and police. Politically motivated killings by al-Shabaab and its affiliates resulted in the deaths of several TFG officials and members of the Banadir regional administration, including district commissioners and their deputies, and security and court officials. For example, on April 16, al-Shabaab militia reportedly killed Sharif Mohamud Hassan Lonely women in uspallata a TFG-allied militia commander, in Hodan District when they opened fire on his vehicle, also killing two other persons accompanying him.

On April 23, Abdi Mohamud "Dhabaney," Hodan district commissioner, escaped unhurt after a landmine attack that blew up his car and wounded three others. None of the assailants were identified by year's end. Al-Shabaab claimed responsibility for several attacks against the TFG and its supporters during the year. During attacks on TFG troop positions in Mogadishu and elsewhere, al-Shabaab summarily executed security officers. For example, on June 16, al-Shabaab extremist militia elements attacked TFG troops positioned in Galgalato, a village on the outskirts of eastern Mogadishu, and summarily executed by decapitation nine TFG soldiers. There were no reported cases of TFG security forces killing civilians whom Sluts in uruapan suspected of planning attacks or giving information to antigovernment forces, as was common in previous years; however, several civilians were killed or injured during clashes between members of TFG's security forces and affiliated militia in parts of Mogadishu.

For example, on July 30, two civilians were killed and five wounded when they were caught in a cross fire during clashes among TFG police officers at Zobe in the KM5 area of Mogadishu. On August 12, several civilians were killed during clashes between two TFG armed militia groups affiliated with the police and regional security. These clashes reportedly occurred when security forces intervened to prevent their colleagues from engaging in criminal activities such as looting and extortion. Unlike in previous years, during the year security forces did not kill persons waiting for food aid. No action was taken against security officials responsible for civilian deaths during the year.

For example, on January 24, a suicide car bomb explosion targeted an AMISOM convoy near its Mogadishu base at Maka-al-Mukarama road and reportedly killed at least 16 persons and wounded approximately Among the casualties were 13 passengers in a bus near the explosion site. On April 24, a suicide car explosion killed 10, including six TFG police officers outside the police academy in Mogadishu. Police guards at the entrance detonated a suspicious car before it could enter the police training school compound, averting more casualties. Five suicide bombers in two cars laden with explosives drove past security guards at AMISOM headquarters and detonated inside the compound.

The December 3 suicide bombing at the Benadir University graduation was the deadliest suicide attack. It killed 22 civilians, including three TFG ministers, and wounded as many as 50 other civilians. Land mines throughout the country resulted in human and livestock casualties, denial of access to grazing and arable land, and road closures. Antipersonnel and antivehicle land mines, most of them remotely controlled, were frequently deployed by antigovernment groups against TFG forces, its allied militia, and civilians.

For example, on January 2, in Hodan District, Banadir Region, a land mine exploded, killing seven civilians. On January 9, a land mine killed four civilians in Mogadishu. Ahmed Abdullahi Magan, the TFG's Garbaharrey district commissioner, was killed in a landmine explosion along Bulla Hawa-Garbaharrey road, as were three other officials in the same car. On March 15, Ahmed Hassan "Da'I," Wadajir district commissioner, was wounded by a targeted remote-controlled land mine near Mogadishu's international airport. The explosion killed Hassan's driver and wounded two of his security guards.

On June 1, a roadside explosion against a TFG police car killed six police officers and wounded three civilian passersby. On June 7, a roadside explosion blew up a civilian car in KM4, killing three occupants and wounding three after missing its target, a TFG police car. Attacks on and harassment of humanitarian, religious, and NGO workers resulted in numerous deaths. Numerous children were killed while playing with unexploded ordnance UXO. On June 14, a land mine killed at least one child and wounded five in Dharkenley District, Mogadishu. Police officers and local administrators also were killed by land mines. For example, on June 1, a remote-controlled roadside bomb struck a TFG police car and killed six officers on board and wounded three civilian passersby.

The explosion wounded two military personnel and two civilians. Somaliland security arrested five persons who remained in custody at year's end. Physical Abuse, Punishment, and Torture On June 25, al-Shabaab insurgents carried out double amputations on four young men in Mogadishu, cutting off their right hands and left feet as punishment for theft. A hurriedly convened al-Shabaab Shari'a court found all four men guilty and promptly carried out the punishment without allowing any form of legal representation or appeal. The four victims were allegedly al-Shabaab deserters, and the robbery charge was reportedly part of a ploy to use them as an example.

Al-Shabaab carried out numerous other amputations as punishment for theft in Kismayo, Merka, Wanlaweyn, and Qansaxdhere. Al-Shabaab carried out these amputations and other violent physical punishments in front of community members whom they forced to attend. Extremist groups devised a new form of torture of their victims involving crude weapons to cause physical and psychological harm. For example, al-Shabaab militia reportedly burned plastic that they molded into sharp tools, the tips of which were used as torture instruments. The tool was pierced into the skin repeatedly to elicit information. On several occasions during the year, al-Shabaab used this method to torture TFG members and individuals suspected to be sympathetic to the government.

On August 10, the al-Shabaab administration in Merka began removing residents' gold and silver teeth, alleging that they are a sign of vanity and against Islam. There were numerous reports of al-Shabaab identifying persons in the street and using unsterile tools to remove the teeth. Child Soldiers The recruitment and use of children in militias and other fighting forces was a longstanding practice in the country and continued during the year. Without established birth registration systems, it is often difficult to determine the exact age of persons, including recruits to armed groups. Children continued to be recruited into militias by the TFG and its allied forces.

The TFG reportedly targeted older children between the ages of 14 and 18, while extremist opposition groups recruited younger children into their militias. During the year the TFG improved its recruitment practices and formal troop training to stop child soldier recruitment. New forces, trained in Uganda and Djibouti, were thoroughly vetted, and underage soldiers were purged from the units that were formed once the soldiers returned to the country. Children were recruited, as well as forcibly conscripted, more often by clan militias and antigovernment groups. For example, on July 30, it was reported that al-Shabaab near Baidoa was recruiting children as young as eight years old to train in Labatan Jirow and Daynuunay, former TFG bases.

UNICEF monitors identified children between the ages of 13 and 17 who were recruited and used as child soldiers. Because of the risk in intervening directly with militia groups, UNICEF protection partners engaged in low-profile condemnation of child recruitment while undertaking public education of youth to empower them to decline offers by any of the armed groups. In some administrations in the country, like that of Jowhar, authorities committed to demobilize child soldiers with UNICEF's assistance; however, no progress was made.

During the year all parties to the conflict continued to recruit child soldiers. UNICEF continued its public outreach program with radio broadcasts to highlight the problem of child soldiers. Jul 28, So it's left to you to unravel the mystery of their look, sigh or grump. Since they manage to take the same trait into the bedroom and you might find yourself befuddled at her reactions, wondering if she's rubbing up against you out of extreme desire or as a distraction tactic to get you to stop doing what you're doing. Here are a few: In her arms If instead of holding you, her arms are held close to her body, there might be a little something going on, you should take note of.

Breathing heavy This is usually a dead give away and impossible to mask or fake. As the body is excited and turned on, the breath becomes more urgent and rapid. Involuntary moans are made as air rapidly makes its way through her vocal chords. The heart rate increases as the body prepares for an orgasm, making her internal organs demand more oxygen. Writhing heights When a body enthusiastically responds to another, it urges for proximity.


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